Last weekend, the ABC television network in the US caused a stir  by broadcasting a debate show asking the contentious question: should  Americans fear Islam? 
The feisty discussion on that  show proved that Islamophobia in the US did not fizzle out the day after  Pastor Terry Jones agreed not to burn religious texts to commemorate  9/11.
Even Christiane Amanpour, with her reputation for  toughness, struggled to balance bigoted comments with voices of reason  as she moderated the show. Undoubtedly, the ugly phenomenon of  Islamophobia is thriving in the US. But it would be a mistake to hijack  this trend by framing it exclusively in terms of US foreign policy, or  simply subscribing to the ‘clash of civilisations’ theory that is often  conjured up to contextualise the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The fact  is Islamophobia is primarily a domestic American issue, and one of the  most worrying consequences of a country at war with itself. 
Present-day  Islamophobia has many incarnations: the Cordoba House/Park 51  controversy continues with 68 per cent of Americans (according to a CNN  poll) opposing the construction of the ‘ground zero mosque’ at its  proposed location. Opposition also rages against the construction of  mosques in Wisconsin, Tennessee and Kentucky. 
Several hate  crimes — incidents of vandalism at Islamic centres and the stabbing of a  Muslim taxi driver — occurred this summer. According to the Pew Forum  on Religion and Public Life, 38 per cent of Americans have an  unfavourable opinion of Islam, as opposed to 30 per cent who have a  favourable take on the religion. 
One can expect these statistics  to nosedive in the foreseeable future. News headlines offer many  reasons for Americans to be increasingly suspicious of Muslims and those  who have ties with Muslim countries: Faisal Shahzad’s sentencing a few  days ago to life imprisonment for the attempted Times Square bombing;  rumours of ‘foreign’ militants planning attacks from Pakistan in the  West; excessive media coverage of Fata-based converts such as Azzam The  American. The knee-jerk reaction in places like Pakistan is to see  American responses to Islam as a sign of worsening relations with the  Muslim world. But Islamophobia poses the greatest challenge to American  national identity and the country’s aspirations to moral leadership. For  a nation founded on the basis of religious freedom, pluralism, and  tolerance, Islamophobia undermines its raison d’ĂȘtre. 
It is  telling, then, that the phenomenon is largely political, rather than  ideological, in nature. Speaking at an event titled ‘Challenging  Islamophobia’ at Washington’s Centre for American Progress (CAP), Haris  Tarin, a director at the Muslim Public Affairs Council, pointed out that  anti-Muslim rhetoric was initially espoused in state-level campaigns in  the 2006 midterm elections in the US. 
Those initial incidents  of emotionally manipulative politicking now manifest as the  game-changing Tea Party Movement, a socially conservative effort with  immense financial backing to reclaim the US Senate for Republicans in  the upcoming midterm elections. The Tea Party’s success can be  attributed to its creation of a compelling American narrative. In this  narrative, American-ness is narrowly defined as white, Christian and  middle class, and Islam emerges as a symbol of all that threatens the  beliefs and traditions of the mythical America. 
Glenn Beck, one  of the leaders of the Tea Party, has been promoting a narrative of  ‘reverse’ grievance, arguing that whites are now suffering at the  expense of the US’s diverse racial, ethnic and religious groups. In  well-attended rallies, he regularly calls for “taking back” what has, by  his logic, been stolen by one group of inauthentic Americans from  another group of truer Americans. 
This fanciful rhetoric aims to  take advantage of the disenfranchisement that working-class whites feel  in an economy with a 9.6 per cent unemployment rate. And it’s working:  according to an Associated Press-GfK poll released recently, whites  without college degrees prefer Republicans to Democrats (58 per cent  support the former, while 36 per cent support the latter). In this  context, Islamophobia starts to have little to do with a perceived  physical or security threat posed by Muslims with extreme or violent  views. 
It doesn’t help that, unlike Europeans (who are  Islamophobic for a host of different reasons), Americans have little  interaction with real-life Muslims. Panellists at the CAP event  emphasised a shocking statistic: 60 per cent of Americans have never met  a Muslim. Their only knowledge or experience of this community — which  comprises only two per cent of the US population — comes from the media,  and is thus confined to a barrage of horror stories about suicide  bombers, decapitators, kidnappers and assorted, bearded crazies. 
The  failure of American-Muslims to respond to this stereotype stems from  the diversity and resulting disconnect among Muslim communities in the  US. As occurs globally, American-Muslims are divided along racial,  economic, sectarian, national and linguistic lines. To counter a  politically motivated Islamophobia, they will have to play by American  rules and organise a political response. This will entail organising at  the grassroots, creating savvy lobby groups to cultivate congressmen and  senators and using a combined American-Muslim voting bloc as a force  for change. 
American-Muslims will also have to remind their  administration that they are the first lines of defence against  homegrown terrorism. Wajahat Ali, a US-based, Muslim playwright and  blogger, likes to point out that many recent attempted terror plots were  foiled by cautious Muslims, for example, it was the father of the  Nigerian ‘underwear’ bomber who told security officials about his son’s  plans. 
For Muslims based outside the US, it is time to see  American Islamophobia as the domestic, political issue that it is.  Inflating it to epic civilisational and imperialistic proportions is  irresponsible and ultimately, dangerous. By buying into a grander ‘us  versus them’, ‘America against Islam’ narrative, we are perpetuating the  logic that drives militant recruitment from Pakistan to Sudan.


 
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